Egyptians protest in Cairo’s Tahrir Square, demanding President Mohammed Morsi’s ousting. AFP
Egyptians protest in Cairo’s Tahrir Square, demanding President Mohammed Morsi’s ousting. AFP

2013 - El-Sisi takes control of Egypt from Morsi

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Updated 19 April 2025
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2013 - El-Sisi takes control of Egypt from Morsi

2013 - El-Sisi takes control of Egypt from Morsi
  • The military ousted the Islamist president after four days of mass protests, marking start of a new chapter for Egypt

CAIRO: Throughout history, there have been moments that serve to reshape the destiny of nations and set their course for decades to come. 

July 3, 2013, was one such turning point, for Egypt. It marked the end of Muslim Brotherhood rule after the group had introduced exclusionary policies that failed to represent the majority of the diversity within Egyptian society or to ensure the legitimacy of President Mohammed Morsi during his first year in power. 

This new chapter in the political and social history of Egyptians began when the military stepped in and took over, led by Gen. Abdel Fattah El-Sisi, who was defense minister at the time and became president the following year. 

When President Hosni Mubarak was ousted on Feb. 11, 2011, after weeks of public protests, Egypt entered a turbulent transitional phase marked by intense political competition. Amid the chaos, the Muslim Brotherhood, which had operated in the shadows for decades, successfully presented itself as a ready and desirable alternative.

The Islamist group secured successive electoral victories, first gaining a parliamentary majority, then control of the Shura Council, and finally, in June 2012, the presidency when Morsi triumphed in the country’s first democractic election following the revolution. 

His victory marked not merely a transfer of power, it was the beginning of full-scale Brotherhood dominance over the Egyptian state. While Morsi had promised to head a government “for all Egyptians,” his policies suggested otherwise. 

How we wrote it




Arab News led with Chief Justice Adly Mansour’s plea to “safeguard the revolution” following Morsi’s removal.

He swiftly took steps, for example, to dismantle traditional state institutions and replace officials with Brotherhood loyalists, destroying political and social balances that had been established over decades. Critics at the time accused him of allowing Islamists to monopolise the political arena, concentrating power in the hands of his affiliated group. 

The defining moment of the Brotherhood’s rule was a constitutional declaration by Morsi in November 2012 granting himself far-reaching powers and shielding his decisions from judicial oversight. This declaration sparked widespread anger among Egyptians, who saw the move as the foundation of a dictatorship under the guise of religious legitimacy. 

Public outrage continued to grow, resulting in mass public protests, yet the Brotherhood pressed ahead with its plans, backed by alliances with Islamist factions while excluding other political and societal groups, including liberals, leftists and even state institutions. 

The Brotherhood’s ambitions extended beyond political dominance to the infiltration of key state institutions, including the security forces, judiciary, media and even the economic sector. It prioritized the appointment of loyalists to influential positions over professionals who did not belong to their ranks. 

At the same time, it imposed a rigid social agenda that disregarded Egypt’s diverse cultural and intellectual fabric. Many Egyptians sensed an attempt to reshape Egyptian identity in service of an ideological project that did not represent them. This prompted accusations that Morsi was failing to deal with the very issues that led to the revolution that brought him to power: calls to guarantee rights and social justice. 

These policies could not continue without facing a backlash. The wave of public dissent gradually swelled, culminating in the emergence of the Tamarod (meaning rebellion) movement, which gathered millions of signatures from people demanding the removal of Morsi from power. 

Key Dates

  • 1

    Hosni Mubarak steps down after 18 days of mass protests that began in Tahrir Square and spread across Egypt.

    Timeline Image Feb. 11, 2011

  • 2

    Muslim Brotherhood candidate Mohammed Morsi becomes Egypt’s president, after narrow victory in first democratic election after the revolution.

    Timeline Image June 24, 2012

  • 3

    Morsi issues controversial decree exempting himself from judicial supervision and shielding the Constituent Assembly and Shura Council from dissolution.

  • 4

    Morsi rejects opposition calls for his resignation and early presidential election, as millions take to streets nationwide in protest.

    Timeline Image June 30, 2013

  • 5

    Defense minister Gen. Abdel Fattah El-Sisi urges Morsi’s government to resolve the political crisis within 48 hours or face military intervention.

    Timeline Image July 1, 2013

  • 6

    In televised speech, El-Sisi announces ouster of Morsi, suspends the constitution and appoints Supreme Constitutional Court Chief Justice Adly Mansour as interim president. Morsi denounces the move as “military coup.”

    Timeline Image July 3, 2013

  • 7

    El-Sisi declared president of Egypt.

    Timeline Image June 8, 2014

Calls for public demonstrations led to mass protests on June 30, 2013, during which millions of Egyptians took to the streets to demand an end to Brotherhood rule. The protests served as a de facto referendum on the legitimacy of the regime, and clearly revealed waning public support for the Brotherhood as its political project failed to build a consensus. 

As the protests escalated and the leadership of the Brotherhood refused to acknowledge the overwhelming public opposition, the military, led by El-Sisi, intervened amid mounting calls for the army and police to take swift action to save the country from the threat of plunging into civil war. 

On July 3, 2013, after an ultimatum for Morsi to resolve the political crisis and meet public demands within 48 hours had passed without any such action, El-Sisi announced the removal of the president from power and the temporary suspension of the 2012 constitution. 

“The Armed Forces, based on its insightfulness, has been called by the Egyptian people for help, not to hold the reins of power, yet to discharge its civil responsibility and answer demands of responsibility,” El-Sisi said during a televised speech. “This is the message received by the Egyptian Armed Forces and heard in all of the country. 

The army had called for national dialogue, he added, but this plea was rejected by the presidency. 

The Brotherhood and their supporters denounced the intervention as a “military coup,” while the opposition described it a response to the demands of the public after millions of Egyptians had taken to the streets in protest. 




People celebrate at Tahrir Square after a broadcast by the head of the Egyptian military, Gen. Abdel Fattah, confirming that the military will temporarily take over from President Mohamed Morsi on July 3, 2013 in Cairo. AFP

Despite the decades spent building the organisation and expanding its influence, the downfall of the Brotherhood was shockingly swift. Some factions that initially supported the organization, including certain Salafist groups, abandoned it upon realizing the extent of the public resentment. 

In the days that followed July 3, the Brotherhood attempted to regroup through mass sit-ins at Rabaa Al-Adawiya and Nahda squares. However, these protests soon turned into hubs of armed resistance, leading to violent clashes with security forces. Over time, following a crackdown on the group, which was declared to be a terrorist organization, the ability of the Brotherhood to mobilize dwindled. 

The removal of the Brotherhood from power was not the end of the challenges Egypt was confronted with, but the beginning of a new phase filled with obstacles. The country faced major economic and security hurdles, including an upsurge in violence by Islamist insurgents and the need to rebuild institutions to restore economic stability. 

The rejection of the Brotherhood was not merely opposition to a political party; it represented the rejection of an ideology that aimed to impose a restrictive vision on a society known for its pluralism and diversity. 

The fall of the Brotherhood was testament to the nation’s desire and will to ensure Egypt remains a country for all its citizens, not just a single faction.

  • Dr. Abdellatif El-Menawy, a columnist for Arab News, is a critically acclaimed multimedia journalist and writer who has covered conflicts worldwide. 


Palestinians might appoint a vice president to serve under the aging Abbas. Here’s why it matters

Palestinians might appoint a vice president to serve under the aging Abbas. Here’s why it matters
Updated 4 min 7 sec ago
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Palestinians might appoint a vice president to serve under the aging Abbas. Here’s why it matters

Palestinians might appoint a vice president to serve under the aging Abbas. Here’s why it matters
  • The expectation is that whoever holds that role would be the front-runner to succeed Abbas — though it’s unclear when or exactly how it would be filled

Senior Palestinian officials loyal to President Mahmoud Abbas are meeting to vote on the creation of a vice presidency and could choose a possible successor to the unpopular 89-year-old.
The two-day meeting of the Palestine Liberation Organization’s Central Council, beginning Wednesday, comes as Abbas seeks relevance and a role in postwar planning for the Gaza Strip after having been largely sidelined by the ongoing Israel-Hamas war.
In his opening speech, Abbas lashed out at Hamas, calling the militant group “sons of dogs,” using unusually harsh language in an apparent strategy aimed at garnering international support for a future role in Gaza.
The council is expected to vote on creating the role of vice chairman of the PLO Executive Committee, who would also be referred to as the vice president of the State of Palestine — which the Palestinians hope will one day receive full international recognition.
The expectation is that whoever holds that role would be the front-runner to succeed Abbas — though it’s unclear when or exactly how it would be filled.
The PLO is the internationally recognized representative of the Palestinian people and oversees the Western-backed Palestinian Authority, which exercises limited autonomy in less than half of the Israeli-occupied West Bank. Abbas’ Fatah dominates both organizations.
Hamas, which won the last national elections in 2006, is not in the PLO. Hamas seized control of Gaza from Abbas’ forces in 2007, and reconciliation attempts between the rivals have repeatedly failed.
Hamas touched off the war in Gaza when its militants attacked southern Israel on Oct. 7, 2023, killing some 1,200 people, mostly civilians, and taking 251 people hostage. Israel responded with an air and ground campaign that has killed over 51,000 Palestinians, mostly women and children, according to the territory’s Health Ministry, which does not say how many of the dead were civilians or combatants.
Why does succession matter?
Abbas is still seen internationally as the leader of the Palestinians and a partner in any effort to revive the peace process, which ground to a halt when Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu returned to office in 2009.
But the chain-smoking political veteran has clung to power since his mandate expired in 2009 and has not named a successor. He has repeatedly postponed elections, citing divisions with Hamas and Israeli restrictions, as polls in recent years have shown plummeting support for him and Fatah.
In his speech opening the PLO meeting, Abbas called on Hamas to release the dozens of hostages it still holds in order to “block Israel’s pretexts” for continuing the war in Gaza. He also called on Hamas to lay down their arms.
Mustapha Barghouti, a veteran Palestinian politician in the West Bank, said Abbas’ harsh words were “inappropriate.”
“This will not create anything except more divisions and more anger within the Palestinian people,” he said.
Abbas, unlike Hamas’ leaders, recognizes Israel and cooperates with it on security matters. He supports a negotiated solution to the conflict that would create a Palestinian state in the West Bank, Gaza and east Jerusalem, territories Israel captured in the 1967 Mideast war. Western nations have suggested a reformed Palestinian Authority should govern postwar Gaza.
Netanyahu’s government is opposed to Palestinian statehood and says Abbas is not truly committed to peace. Netanyahu has also ruled out any role for the Palestinian Authority in Gaza and says Israel will maintain security control over the West Bank and Gaza indefinitely.
Why create a vice presidency now?
Creating a vice presidency would provide some clarity about the post-Abbas future, though he is set to maintain tight control over the process.
It comes as the Palestinian leadership in the West Bank has made a series of reforms sought by Western and Arab donors, who have demanded changes for the Palestinian Authority to play a role in postwar Gaza. The authority is deeply unpopular and faces long-standing allegations of corruption and poor governance.
Israel has largely dismissed the authority’s latest efforts and has shown no sign of changing its policies, which have the full support of the Trump administration.
What is being decided this week?
The PLO’s Central Council, composed of 180 members from inside and outside the territories, is meeting at the presidential headquarters in the West Bank city of Ramallah on Wednesday and Thursday to amend the organization’s bylaws.
They will vote on creating the new position. The Executive Committee, the PLO’s top decision-making body, would then appoint one of its own 16 members through a process that is still being determined.
The main contender appears to be Hussein Al-Sheikh, a close aide to Abbas who was appointed secretary-general of the PLO in 2022. He served for several years as the authority’s main liaison with Israel, developing close ties with senior Israeli officials.
The only other member of the Executive Committee from Abbas’ Fatah party is Azzam Al-Ahmad, who has led past negotiations with Hamas. The others are lesser-known political independents or members of smaller factions.
It’s possible, however, no one will be appointed just yet, even if the position is created.
A presidential decree last year said that if Abbas is unable to carry out his duties, then Rawhi Fattouh, the speaker of the PLO legislature, would lead the Palestinian Authority in a caretaker capacity until elections are held. Fattouh, who has served as a transitional leader before, has little influence or political support.
Who else is a possible successor?
Abbas could potentially open the process to other candidates.
Majed Faraj oversees the Palestinian security and intelligence services. He and Al-Sheikh are widely seen as Abbas’ closest advisers, thought Faraj has adopted a much lower public profile.
Jibril Rajoub, a senior Fatah leader, has gained some popularity as head of the Palestinian soccer association but has sparked controversy internationally by pushing for sport boycotts of Israel.
Mohammed Dahlan, a former Gaza security chief who was exiled in 2010 after a bitter falling-out with Abbas, has cultivated close ties with the influential United Arab Emirates, where he serves as an adviser to the ruler. Abbas had accused him of corruption, but a recent amnesty could clear the way for him to return to the Palestinian territories.
Polls consistently show that the most popular Palestinian leader by far is Marwan Barghouti. The senior Fatah leader is currently serving multiple life sentences after being convicted of orchestrating deadly attacks against Israelis during the Palestinian intifada, or uprising, in the early 2000s. Israel has ruled out his release as part of any Gaza ceasefire deal.


Eubank Jr. and Benn have London buzzing ahead of grudge match

Eubank Jr. and Benn have London buzzing ahead of grudge match
Updated 24 April 2025
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Eubank Jr. and Benn have London buzzing ahead of grudge match

Eubank Jr. and Benn have London buzzing ahead of grudge match
  • The boxers speak exclusively to Arab News about this weekend’s long-awaited showdown and their thoughts about the possibility of taking to the ring in Saudi Arabia

LONDON: You can feel the atmosphere among boxing fans in London shifting by the hour, becoming sharper, louder and increasingly focused on one thing: this weekend’s showdown between Chris Eubank Jr. and Conor Benn.

As the clock continues to count down to Saturday night’s long-awaited fight, a “Live Media Workout” event on Wednesday brought the simmering rivalry right into the public eye.

The 90-minute session, which took place at The Pelligon in Canary Wharf (the venue previously known as East Wintergarden), drew a high-energy crowd of fans, journalists and other invited guests. But it was more than simply spectacle; it offered a rare glimpse into the final preparations of two fighters whose family names are etched into the pages of British boxing history.

Eubank Jr. and Benn each took the ring, shadowboxed under the bright lights, and answered questions as the cameras rolled. The energy in the place came not only from their movements, it emanated from the anticipation and excitement of the crowd. Every jab, every grin was part of the story.

During exclusive interviews with Arab News, both fighters expressed their excitement not only about Saturday’s clash, but also about what might come next, including the possibility of fighting in Saudi Arabia.

Eubank Jr., who appeared focused but relaxed, described the build-up to the bout as “incredible” and added: “It’s the biggest I’ve ever been involved in and I cannot wait.”

Asked about the prospect of taking to the ring in the Kingdom, he said: “Riyadh Season, His Excellency Turki Alalshikh (chairperson of the Saudi General Entertainment Authority) — they’re doing an amazing job with Ring Magazine. I’m sure after this fight, I’ll be fighting many more times, in Saudi Arabia.”

Benn told Arab News: “It feels good to be back home, on home soil. I’d love to fight in Saudi; God willing, this year.”

Beyond the glitz and glamour of the cameras and the soundbites, the workout session revealed the sharpness, speed and quiet confidence of two fighters who know what is at stake. Fans watched them closely, not only to admire their athleticism and showmanship, but for any sign of who might hold the psychological edge.

The media workout event was just the latest chapter in a packed fight week, which will continue on Thursday with the main press conference, building up to Saturday’s headline event at Tottenham Hotspur Stadium, which features a stacked card of top-tier British fighters.

The long, shared boxing history of the Eubank and Benn families is impossible to ignore. The saga began in the 1990s when Chris Eubank Sr. and Nigel Benn fought two epic battles. Eubank Sr. won their first, in 1990. A rematch three years later ended in a bitter draw.

As the moment of truth for their sons draws near, the excitement is no longer just about perceptions of revenge or legacy; it’s about who gets to write the next chapter of the story, not only in the UK but perhaps under the bright lights of Riyadh’s sporting renaissance.


A dozen states sue the Trump administration to stop tariff policy

A dozen states sue the Trump administration to stop tariff policy
Updated 24 April 2025
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A dozen states sue the Trump administration to stop tariff policy

A dozen states sue the Trump administration to stop tariff policy
  • The suit asks the court to declare the tariffs to be illegal, and to block government agencies

NEW YORK: A dozen states sued the Trump administration in the US Court of International Trade in New York on Wednesday to stop its tariff policy, saying it is unlawful and has brought chaos to the American economy.
The lawsuit said the policy put in place by President Donald Trump has left the national trade policy subject to Trump’s “whims rather than the sound exercise of lawful authority.”
It challenged Trump’s claim that he could arbitrarily impose tariffs based on the International Emergency Economic Powers Act. The suit asks the court to declare the tariffs to be illegal, and to block government agencies and its officers from enforcing them.
A message sent to the Justice Department for comment was not immediately returned.
The states listed as plaintiffs in the lawsuit were Oregon, Arizona, Colorado, Connecticut, Delaware, Illinois, Maine, Minnesota, Nevada, New Mexico, New York and Vermont.
In a release, Arizona Attorney General Kris Mayes called Trump’s tariff scheme “insane.”
She said it was “not only economically reckless — it is illegal.”
The lawsuit maintained that only Congress has the power to impose tariffs and that the president can only invoke the International Emergency Economic Powers Act when an emergency presents an “unusual and extraordinary threat” from abroad.
“By claiming the authority to impose immense and ever-changing tariffs on whatever goods entering the United States he chooses, for whatever reason he finds convenient to declare an emergency, the President has upended the constitutional order and brought chaos to the American economy,” the lawsuit said.
Last week, California Gov. Gavin Newsom, a Democrat, sued the Trump administration in US District Court in the Northern District of California over the tariff policy, saying his state could lose billions of dollars in revenue as the largest importer in the country.
White House spokesperson Kush Desai responded to Newsom’s lawsuit, saying the Trump administration “remains committed to addressing this national emergency that’s decimating America’s industries and leaving our workers behind with every tool at our disposal, from tariffs to negotiations.”


Palestinian student remains detained in Vermont with a hearing set for next week

Palestinian student remains detained in Vermont with a hearing set for next week
Updated 24 April 2025
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Palestinian student remains detained in Vermont with a hearing set for next week

Palestinian student remains detained in Vermont with a hearing set for next week
  • In court documents, the government argues that Mahdawi’s detention is a “constitutionally valid aspect of the deportation process”
  • Mahdawi is still scheduled for a hearing date in immigration court in Louisiana on May 1, his attorneys said

BURLINGTON, Vermont: A large crowd of supporters and advocates gathered outside a Vermont courthouse Wednesday to support a Palestinian man who led protests against the war in Gaza as a student at Columbia University and was arrested during an interview about finalizing his US citizenship.
Mohsen Mahdawi, a legal permanent resident for 10 years, was arrested by Immigration and Customs Enforcement agents on April 14. He made an initial court appearance Wednesday during which a judge extended a temporary order keeping Mahdawi in Vermont and scheduled a hearing for next week.
Mahdawi’s lawyers say he was detained in retaliation for his speech advocating for Palestinian human rights.
“What the government provided thus far only establishes that the only basis they have to currently detaining him in the manner they did is his lawful speech,” attorney Luna Droubi said after the hearing. “We intend on being back in one week’s time to free Mohsen.”
In court documents, the government argues that Mahdawi’s detention is a “constitutionally valid aspect of the deportation process” and that district courts are barred from hearing challenges to how and when such proceedings are begun.
“District courts play no role in that process. Consequently, this Court lacks jurisdiction over Petitioner’s claims, which are all, at bottom, challenges to removal proceedings,” wrote Michael Drescher, Vermont’s acting US attorney.
According to his lawyers, Mahdawi had answered questions and signed a document that he was willing to defend the US Constitution and laws of the nation. They said masked ICE agents then entered the interview room, shackled Mahdawi, and put him in a car.
“What we’re seeing here is unprecedented where they are so hellbent on detaining students from good universities in our country,” attorney Cyrus Mehta said. “These are not hardened criminals. These are people who have not been charged with any crime, they have also not been charged under any of the other deportation provisions of the Immigration Act.”
Mahdawi is still scheduled for a hearing date in immigration court in Louisiana on May 1, his attorneys said. His notice to appear says he is removable under the Immigration and Nationality Act because the Secretary of State has determined his presence and activities “would have serious adverse foreign policy consequences and would compromise a compelling US foreign policy interest.”
Last month, Secretary of State Marco Rubio said the State Department was revoking visas held by visitors who were acting counter to national interests, including some who protested Israel’s war in Gaza and those who face criminal charges.
According to the court filing, Mahdawi was born in a refugee camp in the West Bank and moved to the United States in 2014. He recently completed coursework at Columbia and was expected to graduate in May before beginning a master’s degree program there in the fall.
As a student, Mahdawi was an outspoken critic of Israel’s military campaign in Gaza and organized campus protests until March 2024.
US Sen. Peter Welch of Vermont, a Democrat, met with Mahdaw i on Monday at the prison and posted a video account of their conversation on X. Mahdawi said he was “in good hands.” He said his work is centered on peacemaking and that his empathy extends beyond the Palestinian people to Jews and to the Israelis.
“I’m staying positive by reassuring myself in the ability of justice and the deep belief of democracy,” Mahdawi said in Welch’s video. “This is the reason I wanted to become a citizen of this country, because I believe in the principles of this country.”
Mahdawi’s attorney read a statement from him outside the courthouse Wednesday in which he urged supporters to “stay positive and believe in the inevitability of justice.”
“This hearing is part of the system of democracy, it prevents a tyrant from having unchecked power,” he wrote. “I am in prison, but I am not imprisoned.”
Meanwhile, the government is appealing a decision by a different Vermont judge who said another detained student, Rumeysa Ozturk of Tufts University, should be returned to Vermont.
On Tuesday, members of Congress from Massachusetts traveled to Louisiana to meet with Ozturk and Columbia University student Mahmoud Khalil. US Sen. Ed Markey and US Reps. Ayanna Pressley and Jim McGovern expressed concern at a news conference Wednesday that the students, as well as other detainees, were being deprived of nutritious meals, sleep and blankets in the cold facilities.
Khalil and Ozturk have not committed any crimes, the delegation said — they are being unlawfully detained for exercising their right to free speech.
“They are being targeted and imprisoned because of their political views,” McGovern said.


Trump plans to exempt carmakers from some tariffs, FT reports

Trump plans to exempt carmakers from some tariffs, FT reports
Updated 23 April 2025
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Trump plans to exempt carmakers from some tariffs, FT reports

Trump plans to exempt carmakers from some tariffs, FT reports

US President Donald Trump is planning to spare carmakers from some tariffs, The Financial Times reported on Wednesday, citing two people with knowledge of the matter.
Car parts would be exempted from tariffs that are being imposed on imports from China over fentanyl and tariffs levied on steel and aluminum, the report added.